Independence, Development, Peace, and Tamazight in Algeria
by
Zighen Aym
Once again,
Tamazight found itself a victim of the government's political program of
denial. On September 2, 1999, while
campaigning for the peace initiative in Tizi-Wezzu, the Algerian Amazigh
Capital, the new Algerian President, Abdelaziz Boutefliqa1, shocked the Amazigh
community when he said: “If it [Tamazight] must be a national language, it
would never be an official one, and it can be a national language only through
a referendum." He added that peace
among Algerians came first before Tamazight.
In doing so, the government has found a way of putting, for the third
time on the back burner, the people's demand for the respect and promotion of
the Amazigh culture and the teaching of Tamazight.
War of Independence
The first time was
before the war of independence. At that time, a crisis had developed within the
independence movement. Later known as
“the Berber Crisis of 1949”, it saw a rift between two groups: One sought an
Algeria that would only be Arab in both language and culture. The other sought a democratic Algeria where
all popular cultures would be respected and promoted without any
discrimination. Resorting to violence,
the pro-Arab group physically eliminated many Amazigh people. As a result, the issues of Amazigh language
and culture were put on the back burner for the sake of independence from
France.
During the seven-year long war of independence against
France, the main Amazigh regions, Kabylia and Aures, were the main pillars of
struggle, and supported the guerilla war with both money and fighters. A case in point is the number of Amazigh
leaders among the Algerian revolutionary forces. A strong guerrilla in the Amazigh
regions opposed the powerful French military machine. In addition, Wilaya III (Kabylia) had the largest funds among all
the six different regions of Algeria as indicated in the recent publication of
Abane Ramdane’s Soumam Congress Report.
Development
Plan
Upon independence, the Algerian government initiated a
program to develop the country, but it simultaneously started a process of
Arabicization and hired teachers from Egypt, Palestine, Iraq, and Syria to
teach Arabic to Algerians. For the second time, the government found a way to
put Tamazight on the back burner when it argued that building and strengthening
newly independent Algeria came first before Tamazight. Repression fell on militants of Tamazight who made
claims for their language and culture. Today, more than 37 years since Algeria
got its independence, it is still developing itself. And the government has no
plan for Tamazight.
Peace Initiative
Today, for the third time in Algeria's history, the
government argues that peace comes before Tamazight. Despite the peace initiative and the amnesty given to the armed
groups, more than 100 people have been killed in the month of November 1999
only2.
Starting in 1988, the government faced a popular
discontent triggered by an economic crisis. It resulted in riots, which were
met with violent reprisal by the police and armed forces. Amidst the turmoil, the early 1990’s saw
the formation of armed religious groups that resorted to violence against the
government forces. However, their main
targets were intellectuals, journalists, educators, women, and farmers,
peasants, and foreigners. One such
victim was the Amazigh writer Tahar Djaout, a journalist and editor of a weekly
newspaper “Ruptures”, who was gunned down outside his house and died in June
1993. As a strong proponent of
democracy and freedom, he was known for criticizing the policies of the
government policies.
Double
Standards
During the eight-year civil war, more than 100,000
civilians were killed. While violence was reaching every segment of the civil
society, the government-appointed the non-elected National Transitional Council
passed a law that made Arabic the only official language of Algeria in
1994. This law forbids people from
using any language other than Arabic in public. It also requires the use of the Arabic language in all official
documents.
When the government passed the language law in 1994,
Algerians were daily targets of car bombs, and mass execution at
roadblocks. Did the government care
about the civilians then? Does it care
today more than it did yesterday? This only shows the
government's double standards when it comes to Tamazight.
By suggesting the
idea of referendum, one must wonder how come the government neither suggested
nor held a referendum for Arabic to become the official language. That is something called double standards.
Moreover, the idea of referendum on Tamazight is illogical: One people's identity, language, culture and
dignity, in this case Imazighen, can not be voted on by another people, in this
case the speakers of Algerian Arabic.
Tamazight
During 1994-1995, Algeria faced a popular yearlong school
boycott in the Kabylia region. After lengthy negotiations with the leaders of
the Amazigh cultural movement (MCB), the government agreed to form a commission
called HCA (High Commission for Amazighity) in May 1995. It also declared that: ”Tamazight was the
language of all Algerians”, giving itself the right to manage the future of
Tamazight: the common heritage of all Algerians as the government had
asserted. Shouldn't such a declaration
be a sufficient reason for making Tamazight an official and national language?
Doesn't the declaration mean that Tamazight is a full dimension of Algerian
history and heritage?
The objective of the government's declaration if far from
implying its genuine interest in the future of Tamazight: It was obviously only a ploy to stop
Tamazight from becoming a regional issue because its discrimination
against Tamazight and Imazighen would attract the attention of the
international community.
By arguing that Algeria needs peace first instead of
Tamazight, the government, for the third time, seeks to buy time to continue
its repression of the Amazigh culture and language. Even if the government is telling the truth, how will peace be
measured? By the number of people being killed each day? Despite the peace
initiative and the amnesty, more than 100 people have died in the first three
weeks of November only.
The government's previous arguments for delaying the
recognition of Tamazight turned out to be ploy to silence the aspirations of
Imazighen. It never wanted to start a program of promotion and preservation of
the Amazigh culture and language.
Consequently, the government's plan to seek peace for Algerians is
anything but a ploy to distract them from Tamazight, which should have been
recognized to be an Algerian dimension before, during, and after the
independence.
The Algerian government continues to miss opportunities to
correct its policy and treatment of the several-thousand-year culture and
language. Is this the way in which the Algerian government wants to reward the
hundred of thousands of Imazighen who gave their lives so that Algeria would be
freed from France?
Perseverance
Today, to the government dismay, more Imazighen than ever
in Algeria and outside are claiming the rights to their language and
culture. Their interest in Tamazight is
clearly indicated by the numerous publications of books and magazines in
Tamazight. More than three movies in
Tamazight have been produced by Amazigh directors. Many cultural associations
are providing young Imazighen with lessons in Amazigh grammar and
transcription: All indications of love and dedication of Imazighen to recover
and promote their culture and language.
Perseverance pays.
Notes:
1 President Boutefliqa is no other than the former foreign
minister of Houari Boumediene under whose rule Amazigh activists were met with
one the harshest repression. Even high
school students were arrested for the mere possession of Tifinagh alphabet in
their textbooks. Last August, President Boutelfiqa refused an
invitation to attend the UNESCO general conference at the end of October in
Paris (AFP October 1, 1999.)
2 The Algerian daily newspapers reported that more than 18
people were killed on November 20, 1999 at a road block between the cities of
Medea and Blida.